Category: Politics

  • The Normal, Decent People, Trap

    The Normal, Decent People, Trap

    Whenever they say “the far left,” replace it with “normal, decent people.” Then read it again.

    Donald Trump:

    “The radical left is destroying our country.”

    → “Normal, decent people are destroying our country.”

    Mike Johnson:

    “We are under siege by the radical left’s agenda.”

    → “We are under siege by normal, decent people’s agenda.”

    J.D. Vance:

    “We must defeat the leftist mob.”

    → “We must defeat normal, decent people.”

    Read those slowly.

    When everyone who believes elections should count, laws should apply, and presidents shouldn’t attempt coups becomes “the far left,” that label stops describing ideology.

    It starts describing anyone who won’t clap.

    This is not a culture war anymore.

    It’s a movement that lost the middle and decided to rename it.

    And that’s the tell.

    When everyone else is normal, decent people what does that make them?

  • That Was An Impressive Military Operation

    That Was An Impressive Military Operation

    Let’s admit something up front. There’s a visceral thrill when the U.S. military pulls off something genuinely hard. Precision. Surprise. Professionals being professional. The capture of Nicolás Maduro had serious action-movie competence. You can respect the execution without apology.

    I do. I’m human.

    I also tend to like things Russia hates. Same with China. Just the kinda guy I am, I guess. And they hate this. Which brings us to the cognative dissonance many of us feel but don’t know quite how to articulate.

    Because impressive isn’t the same thing as smart.

    And capability isn’t the same thing as judgment.

    Trump, naturally, was thrilled. Not just about the operation — about the idea of it. Talk drifted quickly from “mission accomplished” to “maybe we’ll just run Venezuela for a while.” Oil. Management. Fixing things. As if this were a distressed private equity deal and not a sovereign nation.

    Think about that for one second.

    This is the same guy who couldn’t run a casino, struggles to run the country he’s president of, and still hasn’t delivered on the things he actually campaigned on. Grocery prices? Healthcare? But sure — let’s add a collapsed petro-state to the to-do list. What’s one more tab left open?

    And let’s not pretend the timing is random. This is also a spectacular way to change the subject from the Epstein files. Trump himself once warned that desperate presidents start foreign conflicts to distract from bad news. He was right then. He just didn’t realize he was writing his own future Yelp review.

    Yes, Maduro was indicted years ago on drug charges. That part’s real. But when Trump starts openly talking about oil, the “this is about drugs” explanation starts to feel like set dressing. If this were really about narcotics, the press rollout would look very different.

    Here’s a quick thought experiment.

    If a foreign power snatched Trump out of the White House tomorrow and announced they’d “run the country for a bit,” would J.D. Vance nod gravely and say, “Well, fair is fair”? Of course not. He’d be on TV before the rotors stopped spinning, explaining why this was the end of civilization.

    Which brings us to the part that actually matters.

    This sets a precedent.

    Not a legal one. A behavioral one.

    And yes, people will notice. Especially Ukraine. When the most powerful country on Earth demonstrates that regime change is acceptable if you feel justified enough, you don’t get to act surprised when others adopt the same logic.

    So yes — the raid was slick. I won’t deny it. Who doesn’t enjoy watching the good guys win?

    The only problem is the quiet question underneath it all:

    Are we still sure we’re the good guys?

    Because adrenaline isn’t morality. Skill isn’t legitimacy. And flexing power without consistency isn’t leadership.

    It’s just bad precedent.

  • Why Is Christianity Declining In America

    Why Is Christianity Declining In America

    I’ve been thinking a lot lately about what’s killing Christianity in America. I don’t think it’s the drag brunches or TikTok witches or the “liberal media.” I kinda think it’s the Christians.

    Let me explain.

    For centuries, Christianity grew because of what people saw in those who followed Him. They saw kindness. Integrity. Sacrifice. They saw someone who fed the hungry, healed the sick, sat with the outcasts, and asked His followers to do the same. They saw people living in ways that made others say, “I don’t know what that is, but I want it.”

    That’s how faith spreads. Not by force. Not by law. By witness.

    But something’s shifted.

    More and more Americans—especially young ones—aren’t just walking away from church. They’re running. And not because they’re lazy or sinful or corrupted by culture. They’re walking away because the loudest voices in American Christianity no longer sound anything like Christ.

    They hear cruelty. Smugness. Power grabs. Tax cuts for billionaires. Votes against feeding the poor and healing the sick. They hear talk of guns, walls, surveillance, punishment. They hear fear dressed up as faith.

    And then they look around at the people in their lives—their friends, coworkers, neighbors. The ones who don’t believe. The ones who left church years ago. The ones who don’t talk about Jesus but somehow act more like Him than the ones who won’t shut up about Him.

    And it gets awkward.

    When your billboard says “love your neighbor” but your actions scream “just not that one,” people notice. When the folks claiming moral high ground are publicly more obsessed with bathrooms than hungry kids, it starts to feel like a parody of itself.

    The problem isn’t that Christianity has failed. The problem is that too many self-professed Christians have become terrible advertisements for it.

    And if you’re reading this and feeling defensive, maybe pause and ask yourself why. Are you following Him—or just following people who say they are?

    Because at some point, if the church has become the leading supplier of hypocrisy in your town, you don’t get to blame the devil for the empty pews.

  • Trump Says The Only Thing Limiting His Power on the World Stage Is His Own Morality

    Trump Says The Only Thing Limiting His Power on the World Stage Is His Own Morality

    Trump says his power is limited only by “my own morality” and that he “doesn’t need international law.”

    Which is… an interesting standard to announce out loud.

    This is the same man who slept with a porn star while his wife was home with a newborn.

    Who bragged on tape about grabbing women because fame lets you.

    Who was found liable by a jury for sexual abuse and then defamed the victim again for sport.

    Who mocked a disabled reporter, attacked Gold Star parents, and referred to human beings as “vermin.”

    Who tried to strong-arm a foreign ally into helping him win an election.

    Who has openly said that if something “saves the country,” it’s not illegal.

    So when he tells us the only thing standing between him and unchecked power is his morality, that’s not reassurance.

    It’s more of a warning label.

    Most systems of law exist precisely because “trust me, I’m a good guy” has a historically terrible track record. Civilization learned this the hard way. Repeatedly. With charts.

    But sure. Let’s all just relax and hope the guy whose moral compass spins like a carnival ride is feeling especially principled today.

    What could possibly go wrong?

  • Why It’s So Hard To Change Someone’s Mind

    Why It’s So Hard To Change Someone’s Mind

    I used to believe facts were currency.

    If I put enough solid data on the table, I assumed the other person would eventually look at the pile, nod, and cash out their wrong opinion.

    This belief lasted longer than it should have. About as long as I believed eating cereal for dinner was a phase, not a lifestyle choice I would later defend vigorously.

    Here’s the uncomfortable reality:

    Facts don’t compete with other facts.

    They compete with identity.

    Most arguments fail not because the evidence is weak, but because the argument is aimed at the wrong target. We assume people are trying to be correct. Usually, they’re just trying to belong.

    Beliefs aren’t opinions.

    They’re uniforms.

    When you challenge someone’s belief, you’re not disputing a fact. You’re challenging their tribe, their past decisions, and the role they’ve been playing for years.

    That’s not a debate.

    That’s a threat assessment.

    This is why evidence loses to belonging.

    Once something becomes tribal, truth becomes secondary. Agreeing with the “wrong” fact isn’t growth — it’s defection. And people don’t defect casually, especially not in public, and especially not online.

    At that point, the argument is no longer about truth.

    It’s a loyalty test.

    This also explains why correcting people rarely works.

    Correction doesn’t feel helpful. It feels like exposure. The brain doesn’t hear new information — it hears you’re in danger. Curiosity shuts down. Defenses go up.

    The cleaner the correction, the harder people cling to the position. From the outside, this looks like stupidity. It usually isn’t.

    It’s self-preservation.

    Changing your mind is expensive.

    It costs pride.

    It costs status.

    Sometimes it costs relationships.

    Admitting you were wrong doesn’t update a belief. It rewrites a story. It forces you to revisit things you said, shared, defended — and sit with the possibility that you were wrong.

    Most people would rather be wrong than embarrassed.

    So bad arguments survive. Not because they’re persuasive, but because they’re safe. They keep you in good standing. They let you avoid that quiet, unwelcome realization — usually late at night — that you might have been played.

    I’m not exempt. I’ve held losing positions far longer than I should have because exiting felt like admitting defeat. Doubling down feels like strength, even when it’s just damage with confidence.

    Facts still matter.

    Just not on the timeline we want, and not in environments where being wrong carries a social cost. Facts work when accepting them costs less than ignoring them.

    Most public arguments fail for a simple reason.

    They think they’re debating information.

    They’re negotiating identity.

    And until we’re honest about that, we’ll keep wondering why the facts were solid…

    and the argument went nowhere.

  • Why a Photo from 2004 Looks Like It Was Taken Last Tuesday

    Why a Photo from 2004 Looks Like It Was Taken Last Tuesday

    You can look at a photo from the 50s, 60s, 70s, or 80s and instantly know the decade.

    Not the year.
    The decade.

    It’s in the lapels. The hair volume. The posture. Even the font on a street sign in the background feels time-stamped. Blur the faces and you’d still know where you were in the timeline.

    Now try that with a photo from 2003. Or 2012. Or last Tuesday.

    Remove the cell phone model from the frame and you’re guessing. A photo from 2004 could be from 2024. Step back far enough and the last twenty-five years collapse into a single, flat visual moment, like a hotel hallway designed to offend no one and be remembered by no one.

    Yes, digital photos don’t yellow. Everything looks permanently “now.”
    But the stagnation isn’t technological. It’s cultural.

    The monoculture is dead.

    For most of the 20th century, there was a current. You either swam with it or against it, but everyone was responding to the same force. In the 70s, you wore the polyester or you rejected it. Even rebellion was legible—because you knew exactly what it was rebelling against.

    Now? Every style that has ever existed is available simultaneously, usually for about fifteen dollars and free shipping. Nothing ever leaves. Nothing has to mean anything. We aren’t inventing new aesthetics—we’re just curating better playlists of the past.

    There is one exception, of course.

    Historians won’t struggle to date photos of people in MAGA hats and merch. Those will be instantly identifiable as 2015–2025—preserved in high resolution, forensically searchable, and destined to cause a very specific kind of generational embarrassment.

    Our cities followed suit. Neutral palettes. Exposed brick. The same sans-serif fonts everywhere. Drop a café from Brooklyn into Berlin or Barcelona and no one would blink. We built a global architecture of anywhere—comfortable, inoffensive, and, like Taylor Swift, impossible to date.

    So if fashion, architecture, and culture no longer mark time, what does?

    Politics.

    It’s the last remaining monoculture—the one thing we all still see, whether we want to or not. When culture fragments into a thousand niches, collective attention has to go somewhere. It went to the fight.

    The past had eras defined by how we looked.

    We have a long, endless present defined by what we scream at each other.

    And if future historians want to date our photos, they won’t look at the hemline or the haircut.

    They’ll look at the panic in our eyes.

  • “I’m Not Racist. I Just Tolerate Racism for the Other Stuff.”

    “I’m Not Racist. I Just Tolerate Racism for the Other Stuff.”

    I’ll spell out the defense I keep hearing—then I’ll set it on fire.

    You say:
    “I don’t think of myself as racist. I even agree Trump says racist things. But I vote for him anyway because his other policies are better for America. The alternative—Democrats in power—would be far worse. I don’t like the racism, but I’m willing to hold my nose.”

    Okay. Let’s sit with that.

    What you’re really saying is that racism is a trade‑off you’re willing to accept. That it’s a cost of doing business. That the people harmed by it are… acceptable collateral damage.

    You’re not denying the fire.
    You’re just arguing the house was worth burning.

    Here’s the problem: racism isn’t a side dish. It’s not an unfortunate personality quirk you can fence off while enjoying the “serious” policy agenda.

    It is the agenda.

    Immigration policy that sorts humans by skin tone?
    Foreign policy that divides the world into “nice countries” and “shitholes”?
    Law enforcement policies that assume threat by melanin?
    Voting rules that just happen to disenfranchise the same groups every time?

    That’s not a glitch. That’s the operating system.

    And once you accept that some Americans matter less than others—once you normalize cruelty toward a group because it’s politically convenient—you’ve already crossed the moral line you claim to stand behind.

    You don’t get to say “I oppose racism” while empowering it.
    You don’t get to say “I’m not racist” while voting for racial hierarchy because you like the tax policy.
    You don’t get to outsource your conscience and then act surprised when the results come back ugly.

    This isn’t about personal purity. It’s about basic moral math.

    If your preferred policies require dehumanizing people to function, then the policies are rotten.
    If your vision of America only works when certain people are kept out, kept down, or kept afraid—then the vision is the problem.

    History doesn’t grade on intent.
    It grades on impact.

    And the impact of “I don’t love the racism, but…” has always been the same.

    So no—maybe you don’t feel racist.
    But you’ve decided racism isn’t a dealbreaker.

    And that distinction doesn’t mean nearly as much as you think it does. For all intents and purposes, it makes you a racist.

  • I Was Offline for a Week. Now Hitler’s Back.

    I Was Offline for a Week. Now Hitler’s Back.

    I’m late to this. I’ve been offline, living like it’s 2003. No news alerts, no rage-scrolling, no exposure to a single influencer or pundit. It was glorious. But then I plugged back in and saw it: Young Republican leaders caught in group chats saying “I love Hitler,” joking about gas chambers and rape, sneering about “watermelon people,” and casually tossing around words like “faggot” and “retarded”—like they were just swapping fantasy football picks.

    A decade ago, even whispering something like “I love Hitler” would have ended your political career, your public life, your dating prospects, your gym membership—hell, even your WiFi password might’ve stopped working out of pure moral inertia. Now? You get a wink, a shrug, and maybe a spot on someone’s podcast.

    This isn’t just about antisemitism, although it is deeply, virulently that. It’s deeper. It’s a willful rejection of decency itself. Like they’ve looked straight at the moral floor and said: “Nah. Let’s keep digging.”

    And look—racism isn’t exactly a new bug in the human operating system. It’s baked into our wiring. Infants as young as six months show preference for faces of their own race. One study even found that children tend to trust people who sound and look like them. Tribal bias is an evolutionary leftover—like the appendix, or Twitter.

    But the whole point of civilization is to override our worst instincts. We educate. We empathize. We evolve. We try to beat that tribal lizard-brain back into its cage, one generation at a time. Or, in the more cynical version of human progress, we just wait until all the bloodlines blend into one and racism becomes logistically impossible.

    MAGA seems uninterested in either path.

    I have MAGA friends—smart ones—who are slowly, quietly backing away from Trump. They don’t say it aloud, but I can see it. They’re starting to wince at the Proud Boys merch and the screaming matches at school board meetings. But they still can’t quite let go. They’ve convinced themselves MAGA is the “lesser of two evils,” that the left is so deranged that they must cling to the burning ship out of duty.

    But here’s the uncomfortable truth: while one of those “evils” is arguing over pronouns, the other one is now literally flirting with Nazi ideology. Not metaphorically. Not “like Nazis.” Actual Nazi language. Actual Nazi aesthetics. One staffer literally put a swastika-shaped American flag on his Capitol Hill office wall, like it was an ironic dorm poster.

    The GOP took a hard right, blew past Reagan, sideswiped Goldwater, and now fishtails somewhere between Franco and full-blown fascism, headlights off, tiki torch on.

    And still, my MAGA friends won’t change the channel. Even when they know they’re being lied to. Even when they feel the disgust in their gut. Tribalism is a hell of a drug. It overrides reason. It punishes doubt. It turns moral nausea into partisan loyalty.

    That’s how people who never would’ve said the word “Hitler” outside a history class end up defending it as a “joke.” That’s how the descent happens—not in a single leap, but in a thousand rationalizations, one meme, one tweet, one group chat at a time.

    This isn’t just a MAGA problem. It’s a human problem. We are all wired to pick sides and defend them, even when the facts rot out from underneath us. The only antidote is constant moral clarity—across the board, not just when it’s convenient. When you see people celebrating cruelty, racism, and violence, you don’t stay quiet. You don’t look for whataboutisms. You say: No. That’s not who we’re supposed to be.

    Because once the tribal drums drown out your conscience, you’ll look up and realize you’ve been goose-stepping for a while—and didn’t even notice the rhythm change.

  • What Makes Trump Bad at Business, Life, and As President?

    What Makes Trump Bad at Business, Life, and As President?

    I don’t build companies anymore. I may go back someday. When I found myself with time on my hands, I decided to learn a new skill. Now. I trade gold on the financial markets.

    When I first made that shift, I was terrible at it. Worse than most. Because I came in wired like an entrepreneur—obsessed with control, allergic to surrender. In business, that mindset serves you. You see what isn’t there yet, and you make it happen. You bend the world until it fits your plan.

    But markets don’t bend. Gold doesn’t care about your plans. It doesn’t care who you are. The market humbles everyone eventually.

    Even back when I built companies, though, I never lied to myself about the numbers. You could spin the story, but the math still had to work. That was the line between ambition and delusion.

    And that’s where Donald Trump went off the rails.

    Trump was never really in the real estate business. His true product was himself—the myth, the name, the attention. The buildings and casinos were just props in a lifelong campaign for validation. When your ego is the business, you can’t afford to face reality.

    That’s why he’d make a terrible trader.

    When the world doesn’t fit his story, he simply changes the story. When a recent jobs report came in weak, he fired the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics and called the numbers “phony.” When intelligence briefings on the Iran strikes contradicted his claim that America had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program, he dismissed the analysts and replaced them with loyalists. Each time, he traded truth for ego protection.

    It’s the same reason his casinos collapsed. The Taj Mahal was financed with nearly $700 million in junk bonds at 14% interest—a structure that guaranteed failure unless fantasy-level profits rolled in. When the math didn’t work, he doubled down instead of cutting losses. That’s not risk-taking. That’s denial.

    In trading, denial kills faster than bad luck. You can’t fire the chart. You can’t rebrand a losing position as “fake news.” You take the loss, you adapt, you move on.

    When I started trading gold, I had to unlearn my old wiring—the instinct to fix what’s outside my control. The market doesn’t reward force; it rewards alignment. You win when you stop fighting the tape and start listening to it.

    Trump never learned that lesson. He can’t. His entire existence depends on never admitting he’s wrong. He’s trapped inside the one product he can’t afford to discount: himself.

    That’s why he was a bad businessman.

    It’s why he’d be a disastrous trader.

    And it’s why he’s a dangerous president.

    Because on the world stage—where power, pride, and perception collide—his refusal to face reality doesn’t just cost him money. It costs nations time, credibility, and lives.

    In the end, the markets always find the truth. So does history.

    And the truth always settles the account.

  • Spain’s Quiet Flex

    Spain’s Quiet Flex

    Spain isn’t just “doing okay” while the rest of Europe nurses a hangover — it’s Europe’s outlier in a good way. Since early 2024, Spain has been growing at roughly three percent a year while the eurozone plods along near one. Credit markets noticed: S&P bumped the sovereign in mid-September, and within days Moody’s and Fitch followed suit. When all three ratings agencies are suddenly in a good mood about you, it’s usually because the story is real, not vibes. 

    The growth mix isn’t mysterious:

    • People: Spain opened the door while others slammed it. Net immigration has averaged around six hundred thousand a year since 2022, mostly working-age and heavily Latin American — which makes integration faster (language, culture, networks). That’s not a talking point; that’s the math. It’s also a big reason employment has hit records and consumer demand is sturdy.  
    • Power: Cheap, abundant renewables have turned Spain from a sunny tourist postcard into an energy-cost arbitrage play for industry and data-heavy services. In 2024, renewables supplied a record ~56% of electricity, and year-to-date 2025 has pushed higher. That lowers input costs and draws capital. (The grid, yes, needs beefing up after the April outage — and investments are now flowing.)  
    • Policy follow-through: NGEU funds have been deployed into real stuff (infrastructure, modernization), and earlier labor reforms tightened up job stability. Brussels’ baseline: Spain can still clock around 2.6% growth in 2025 — in Europe, that’s sprinting.  

    Now for the adult supervision: per-capita gains lag headline GDP, productivity is still yawning, and unemployment — although falling to around 10% — remains among the eurozone’s highest. The fix isn’t a new slogan; it’s a pipeline: streamline rules, crowd in long-term risk capital, and upskill into higher-value services (IT, finance, engineering). That’s where you turn an immigration-led demand pop into durable per-capita prosperity. 

    How Madrid plays its power in Europe

    Spain’s “soft power” used to be sunshine and tapas. Today it’s growth, grid, and people — a combination that gives Madrid surprising clout in EU tables where sluggish peers need a positive outlier. The message Spain quietly sends in Brussels: we can cut emissions, grow faster than you, and do it without slamming the door on newcomers. That lets Spain lean into:

    • Energy bargaining: With wind/solar scaling and interconnectors improving, Spain can punch above its weight in talks about EU power markets, grids, and decarbonization timelines. The subtext is “we’ve shown this can work — now fund the pipes.”  
    • Fiscal credibility: Upgrades from S&P/Moody’s/Fitch improve borrowing optics just as Europe re-tightens fiscal rules. That buys room to keep investing while others cut.  
    • Migration realism: While some capitals grandstand at the border, Spain’s labor-market-first posture is adding capacity exactly where Europe is short. That makes Madrid the practical voice when migration inevitably returns to the EU agenda.  

    What could blow this up? Politics and housing. Sánchez governs with dental floss; big reforms are a knife fight. And if rents keep outrunning wages and public services stay tight, tolerance for high inflows could fray — fast. The economic story is strong; the social license needs maintenance. 

    The scoreboard (for the macro geeks)

    • 2025 growth: Bank of Spain and the European Commission are in the ~2.6% camp; the government’s latest revision is a hair higher after a better-than-expected Q2. Either way, Spain is still outrunning the bloc.  
    • Labor: Unemployment near 10.3%, lowest since 2008 but still elevated versus EU peers. Youth unemployment remains sticky.  
    • Energy: 56% renewables in 2024, roughly ~59% so far in 2025 — with grid investment pledged after the spring blackout.  

    Catalonia: where things actually stand

    Madrid bet on de-escalation and legal normalization. The Amnesty Law for the 2017 independence cases passed and, crucially, Spain’s Constitutional Court upheld it on June 26, 2025. Application is case-by-case: many have already benefited, while high-profile figures like Puigdemont are still working through the process. Politics, not prisons, now dominates. 

    On public sentiment, support for independence has eased off its highs, bobbing around ~38–40% in 2025 surveys, with the Socialists (PSC) leading regionally and pro-independence parties recalibrating. Translation: the temperature is lower, the question isn’t “UDI tomorrow” but “what’s the next workable status that keeps growth and dignity intact?” 

    Bottom line: Spain’s edge right now is a rare mix — demographic momentum, green electrons, and steady EU cash channeled into the real economy. If the ruling class can keep the coalition intact, scale skills faster than rents, and turn grid upgrades into a 2030 powerhouse, Spain’s “quiet flex” becomes structural. If not, it risks being remembered as a great run of form that never quite converted to per-capita lift. I’m betting the former — but only if they keep treating immigration as an asset and productivity as the main event.